Home » Special-Reports » What Russia’s Stealth Fighter Developments Mean for America——Special Report

What Russia’s Stealth Fighter Developments Mean for America——Special Report

Russia’s development of the PAK FA fifth-generation stealth fighter
could challenge American air supremacy, especially if Russia sells the
PAK FA to its usual buyers of military equipment. In the U.S., closure
of the F-22 production line has severely limited America’s ability to
respond to PAK FA proliferation by building more F-22s and potentially
selling them to U.S. allies. The U.S. needs to revise its assessment of
U.S. air superiority needs and then explore ways to modernize and
strengthen the U.S. tactical fighter force.

With America’s closure of the F-22 production line and the recent debut
of Russia’s PAK FA fifth-generation stealth fighter, American air
supremacy for the foreseeable future is not as assured as the U.S.
Department of Defense once predicted. Indeed, Lieutenant General David
A. Deptula, recently departed Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence,
Surveillance and Reconnaissance in the U.S. Air Force, recently made
the startling announcement: “For the first time, our claim to air
supremacy is in jeopardy.… The dominance we’ve enjoyed in the aerial
domain is no longer ours for the taking.”

To preserve traditional U.S. margins of military technological
superiority, Congress should review potentially outdated requirements
and projections, and policymakers should push defense officials to
enact more forward-looking budgeting and acquisition strategies for
U.S. fighter fleets. Increased investment in modernization and new
partnerships with allies like Japan and Israel will be necessary to
prevent the airpower balance from tilting in favor of the Russian and
Chinese air forces and to hedge against the potentially destabilizing
proliferation of Russia’s PAK FA fighter to unstable actors, non-state
groups, and/or terrorism-sponsoring rogue states around the world. For
example, if Syria or Iran acquires the PAK FA, it could provide the
fighter to the non-state group Hezbollah to form a proxy air force
against Israel.

U.S. Air Power Assumptions Challenged

Defense analysts, officials, and industry personnel have long believed
that the U.S. F-22 Raptor and the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike
Fighter would not face serious threats from foreign fifth-generation
fighters for the next 20 years. In September 2009, Secretary of Defense
Robert Gates repudiated claims of a looming “fighter gap”—a deficit
between the services’ fighter aircraft inventories and their
operational requirements. “[T]he more compelling gap,” he argued, “is
the deep chasm between the air capabilities of the United States and
those of other nations.”

In an earlier speech, he argued:
China…is projected to have no fifth generation aircraft by 2020. And by
2025, the gap only widens. The U.S. will have approximately 1,700 of
the most advanced fifth generation fighters versus a handful of
comparable aircraft for the Chinese.

The Secretary’s claims may now be in doubt. With the cancellation of
the F-22 and closure of its production line combined with various
development delays in the F-35 program—the mainstay of America’s future
fighter fleets—U.S. fighter inventories may be significantly smaller in
coming years than initially planned. For example, initial operational
capability for the F-35A, the U.S. Air Force version of the F-35, was
recently pushed back two years to the end of 2015, now changed to 2016
for both the F-35A and the Navy’s F-35C. These delays often increase
production costs, forcing reductions in the overall buy. Regrettably,
other fiscal pressures will likely squeeze procurement budgets further
in the coming years and prevent the expenditures needed to reach
planned F-35 force levels.

Meanwhile, Russian fighter and military modernization efforts are
proceeding rapidly, defying the expectations of many. In August, Russia
undertook the largest airborne military exercises since the collapse of
the Soviet Union, making “use of automated command and control
systems.”[6] On January 29, 2010, Russia conducted the first test
flight of the T-50, a prototype of the PAK FA, Russia’s
fifth-generation fighter jet, which was designed to rival the American
F-22. With advanced stealth technology and high-tech avionics, the PAK
FA could eventually—as Moscow has repeatedly proclaimed—seriously
challenge U.S. air supremacy. Russia is also selling modern
fourth-generation fighter aircraft to the Indian, Chinese, Algerian,
Vietnamese, and Libyan militaries.

The air forces of Russian defense trade partners—including India,
China, Algeria, Vietnam, and Libya—could also pose growing challenges.
Russia has already sold hundreds of its best fighter aircraft to China,
and may sell China the PAK FA as well. China is Russia’s largest
purchaser of Su-27/ Su-30 Flanker fighters, including the more advanced
Su-30MKK and Su-30MK2, buying or ordering up to 624 as of 2009. The
Su-27/Su-30 fighters are produced by Sukhoi, the same firm that is
developing the PAK FA. Indeed, the Komsomolsk-on-Amur KNAAPO factory,
which is producing the Su-27/Su-30 fighters, is located in Khabarovsk,
a region that borders China. By 2025,
China could have up to 120 PAK FA fighters, compared to America’s 187 F-22As.

PAK FA Program and Potential Foreign Exports

While reduced resources and growing internal defense budget imbalances
imperil U.S. defense procurement plans, Russian defense spending is
getting a boost from oil and gas export revenues, even after the
2008–2010 slump in oil prices.

Russia
has the third largest gold and hard currency reserves after China and
Japan. State coffers have been expanding quickly, with Russia’s foreign
reserves increasing from $437 billion at the end of January 2010 to
$503.7 billion by October. Although the Russian economy relies
heavily on exports of raw materials, the government is unlikely to
encounter much difficulty funding the PAK FA program, especially with
significant assistance from India, which plans to inject $30 billion
into the program.

Furthermore,

the PAK FA is expected to be cheaper to produce
than the F-22. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has recently
claimed that the PAK FA “would be 2.5 to 3 times cheaper.” Currently,
the PAK FA is expected to cost less than $100 million per plane, while
the F-35 is projected to cost between $100 million and $112 million,
and the F-22 will cost around $140 million.

The Russian Defense Ministry initially planned to buy 300 PAK FA
fighters, but has since reduced its stated requirement to 250 planes,
with a preference for the single-seat version. Whether Russia will meet
this target is unclear. As part of the “2011–2020 state arms
procurement program,” the ministry is budgeting $656 billion, which
includes funding to produce 10 PAK FAs between 2013 and 2015 and 60
additional fighters between 2016 and 2020.

Although Russia is leading the program and shouldering the bulk of
the cost, India is set to provide significant assistance, aiming to
have a 25 percent stake in designing and developing the fighter. India
is currently negotiating with Sukhoi to build an Indian variant called
the Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA). India reportedly plans to
purchase 250 of these fighters: 200 twin-seaters and 50 single-seaters,
with an option for future orders that could increase the total to 300.

Mikhail Pogosyan, General Director of the Sukhoi Design Bureau, has
stated: “I am strongly convinced that our joint project will excel its
Western rivals in cost-effectiveness and will not only allow
strengthening the defense power of Russian and Indian air forces, but
also gain a significant share of the world market.” Pogosyan calculates
that there could be a world market for 1,000 PAK FAs in the next 40
years.

One likely buyer is China. Although Beijing is reportedly developing
its own fifth-generation fighter aircraft (the J-12), the Chinese
military could conceivably buy up to 250 PAK FA planes, especially if
its own program encounters delays. In addition, Russia would likely
seek to export the PAK FA to Algeria, Libya, Iran, Syria, and
Venezuela. Kazakhstan may also purchase the aircraft, as could Malaysia
and Vietnam, thanks to their gas and oil revenues. Indonesia may want
to buy limited numbers to counterbalance the 100 F-35s that Australia
plans to acquire.

America’s
oil-rich Arab allies may also order PAK FA aircraft if Washington
refuses, as expected, to sell them F-35s and instead exports up to 100
F-35s to Israel.

The PAK FA will likely form the basis for several foreign variants, in
the same way that the Russian Su-27 Flanker fighter spawned the
Su-30MKI multirole fighter for India, the Su-30MKK multirole fighter
and Su-30MK2 naval strike fighter for China, the Su-30MKA for Algeria,
and the more advanced Su-34 strike aircraft and Su-35 multirole
fighter. One possible PAK FA variant is a twin-seat long-range strike
version similar to the Su-34 or the proposed (and now shelved) FB-22
bomber version of the F-22.

With its stealth technology, supercruise capability, and sensor fusion,
the F-22 was designed to prevail in present and future air battles. It
also has the ability to carry smart bombs for precision strike missions
in heavily defended battle spaces. Due to its supercruise ability, the
F-22 is capable of covering long distances in regions like the Arctic
Ocean, the continental U.S., the Western Pacific, and the Persian Gulf
with supersonic flight without the need to engage afterburners. Since
the PAK FA is planned to have similar capabilities,

only the F-22 would be capable of matching the future Russian fighter, if not prevailing over it.

The FB-22 would possess the stealth and supercruise characteristics of
the F-22A, and it would provide a stealth and supersonic medium-range
bomber capability for the Air Force, filling a niche between the F-35
fighter-bomber and the proposed 2018 long-range bomber.The FB-22 would
be able to carry 30 Small Diameter Bombs and have 50 percent more range
than the F-22. In the future, Russia may deploy a medium-bomber version
of the PAK FA while the U.S. Air Force may be left without such a
bomber capability.

According to Russian officials, the joint Russo– Indian PAK FA/FGFA
fighter should be ready by 2015 or 2016. It may also incorporate
equipment from third countries, just as Russia has previously
integrated French and Israeli technology into its weapons systems.
Indian officials hope the FGFA will be fully developed by 2016 so that
it can enter service in 2017.

With a planned price tag of about $100 million per aircraft, the PAK FA
will not be cheap, but it will likely find a market among those
countries that have purchased Russia’s Su-27/30 fighters. Many of these
countries have substantial foreign currency reserves. Those that want
to modernize and expand their militaries, expand their global presence,
and become increasingly assertive on the world stage or in their
regions will be interested in the PAK FA. If the PAK FA proves to be a
success, the U.S. should expect it to proliferate among countries with
the means to acquire it and with foreign policies that potentially defy
Washington or look toward Moscow.

Understanding the Potential for Trouble

After successful test flights on January 29 and February 12, 2010, the
T-50 began standard tests in April. Testing could take several more
years, according to sources from Sukhoi and statements by Prime
Minister Putin, but some planes could conceivably be deployed in
operational units before testing is completed. This would not be
unusual. The first operational F-22s were delivered in September 2003,
even though testing continued until November 2005.[Colonel General
Alexander Zelin, commander in chief of the Russian Air Force, estimates
that PAK FA fighters will be delivered to operational units in 2015.In
preparation, Russian pilots are already receiving training in piloting
fifth-generation fighters.

As one expert recently noted: “In this modern era of stealth combat,
there are two types of fighters: stealth fighters and targets.”
Similarly, the commander in chief of the Russian navy stated that “it
would be impossible to win contemporary and future wars without air and
space supremacy. Whoever understands this is on the right path.”
Mikhail Pogosyan says that “the most important thing is stealth to
enemy radar, which allows the aircraft to approach enemy positions
without being noticed.”

One risk is that Russia or potential PAK FA customers around the world
could use the sophisticated aircraft to conduct sneak attacks against
U.S. forces or allies. Russian doctrine still considers the U.S. its
“principal adversary,” even though successive U.S. Administrations have
announced that Russia is no longer our enemy.

Viewing the U.S. and NATO as potential opponents in a future war,
Russia has designed the PAK FA to compete with the F-22 and to
devastate formations of F-35 stealth fighters. It takes more than
technology to make an advanced fighter classified as fifth-generation,
including pilot skill and training, aircraft, and tactics. It remains
to be seen whether Russia will develop advanced operational concepts
and fighter doctrine to employ the PAK FA. If this occurs, it is
possible that the twin-engine F-22, which was devised as an air
superiority fighter, would perhaps be the only credible match for the
PAK FA. Even if the F-22 proves superior, PAK FAs may still pose a
formidable threat. F-35s, which were partly designed to serve as force
multipliers for the F-22, may be vulnerable to PAK FA attack. Although
the U.S. plans to build more than 2,000 F-35s, the numerical advantage
of the F-35 fleet could potentially be offset by the PAK FA’s larger
weapon capacity, especially if it proves technologically superior.

In addition, the PAK FA could pose a threat to the F/A-18E/F Super
Hornet and F-35C Lightning II squadrons operating from America’s
aircraft carriers. The Russian navy plans to deploy 15–20 naval PAK FAs
on its aircraft carrier after it is modernized, perhaps by 2020. Russia
may also seek to reduce the numerical advantage of the overall U.S.
fighter fleet by building large numbers of a lighter version of the PAK
FA, a possible equivalent to the F-35.

In a dogfight, U.S. Air Force models predict that small formations of
F-22 fighters would prevail over far larger numbers of
fourth-generation enemy fighters because the F-22’s superior stealth
would give it a substantial advantage.[39] However, how the F-22 would
fare against the PAK FA is unclear. The PAK FAs may ultimately match
the F-22s in capability and possibly outnumber them. It is also unclear
how mixed formations of F-22s and more numerous F-35s would fare
against PAK FA formations or against combinations of PAK FAs and
lighter variants. The Department of Defense needs to develop a
comprehensive understanding of the capabilities of the various Russian
platforms to accurately gauge the threat to U.S. planes and to develop
appropriate responses.

The PAK FA Compared to U.S. Fighters


According to information in the public domain, the PAK FA could be
superior to the F-35, equal or nearly equal to the F-22, and superior
to fourth-generation fighters. This section compares these fighters
across a range of capabilities and discusses nascent and unfolding
security implications.

Stealth.

The PAK FA will likely incorporate several advanced stealth features.
According to the Sukhoi firm, the fighter’s “use of composite materials
and advanced technologies, improved aerodynamics, and reduced engine
heat signature minimizes its radio-frequency, optical and infrared
visibility.” Like the F-22, the PAK FA was designed according to the
principle of planform alignment, which means that surfaces and
edges—such as the leading edges and horizontal control surfaces of the
wings and the vertical sides of the engines’ air intakes—are aligned to
share the same angles. The pilot’s canopy is also angled to deflect
incoming radar waves away from the radar source.

An additional stealth feature that could be incorporated is curved
S-ducts to mask the engine compressor blades from radar. The T-50
prototype tested earlier this year was not fitted with stealthy engine
nozzles, but the operational version of the PAK FA will likely have
stealthy thrust-vector-control nozzles, like those on the F-22. A
stealthy engine nozzle has been fitted on one of Russia’s Su-27 test
aircraft.

The PAK FA is expected to be built with radar-absorbing material.
About 30 percent of the aircraft fuselage will be made of composite
materials. It could also be fitted with a “stealthogenic” system, an
advanced technology reportedly developed by Soviet scientists. This
stealthogenic technology is a form of anti-radar cloaking device using
“wisps of plasma formed by pencils of electromagnetic rays from special
generators installed on the aircraft; the plasma absorbs radio waves,
reducing the aircraft’s radar cross section (RCS) approximately 100
times, making it almost invisible to radar. The U.S. Air Force is
reportedly interested in using a similar, cold plasma cloaking device
“as the next generation of stealth technology” for its fighter aircraft.

The Indian version of the PAK FA is said to have a radar cross
section of 0.5 square meter, the equivalent of a missile’s RCS. By
comparison, older tactical jets have RCSs between 5 and 100 square
meters. For example, the fourth-generation Su-30MKI has a RCS of
approximately 20 square meters.

Russia is likely to reserve the more advanced stealth capabilities for
its own aircraft. The stealthogenic cloaking device under development
could reduce the PAK FA’s radar cross section even further, making it
potentially as stealthy as the F-22, which has the RCS of a small bird
or a bumblebee at between 0.001 and 0.01 square meter. The
stealthogenic system may even enable the fighter to carry a full load
of missiles, bombs, and/or drop tanks externally and still remain
stealthy. It is possible Russia may have already tested the technology
successfully; if so, one could reasonably assume Russia would then be
readying it for deployment on the operational version of the PAK FA.
The F-35 normally carries two beyond-visual-range AMRAAM missiles and
two JDAM-guided bombs in its two internal weapon bays. It could carry
two additional AMRAAMs or AIM-9X Sidewinders under its wings, but this
would make it less stealthy.Based on the current capabilities of
Russian airborne fire-control radars, the PAK FA’s active
electronically scanned array (AESA) radar can simultaneously detect,
track, and target six to eight F-35s with impaired stealth, offsetting
the advantage of the additional weapons.

The PAK FA and F-22 differ from the F-35 in that both can carry two
short-range air-to-air missiles in internal side compartments, which
significantly reduces their RCS and enables them to maintain their
stealth outlines, even when carrying additional weapons. The F-35’s
engine nozzle may give it a stealth disadvantage versus the PAK FA.
This means a PAK FA flying high above an F-35 could potentially detect
and track the F-35’s nozzle. In a battle against an F-35 formation, the
PAK FA’s stealth and radar would likely be significant force
multipliers.

Radar.

Although the T-50 prototype probably used a modified Irbis-E radar (the
passive electronically scanned array technology used on the Su-35
fighter), the Russians are developing more advanced radar systems for
the PAK FA. Approximately 30 companies are developing the PAK FA’s
integrated avionics suite.

Ultimately, the PAK FA is expected to have an AESA radar system with
1,500 individual transmitter/receiver (T/R) modules. A prototype is
being tested, and development should be completed in mid-2010.[ In
comparison, the F-22’s AESA radar system has about 2,000 T/R modules.

In addition to AESA radar, the PAK FA will have a side-looking radar
and a rear-facing radar. The sting fairing in the tail, located between
the engine’s exhaust nozzles, may harbor a small fire-control radar for
detecting airborne targets and attacking missiles and to provide
fire-control solutions for its air-to-air missiles. With AESA radars in
the nose and tail, the PAK FA could cover 120 degrees of both the
plane’s front hemisphere and its rear hemisphere. In addition, the
aircraft will have an L-band AESA radar in conformal arrays on the
wings’ leading edges. According to some reports, L-band arrays can
detect stealth aircraft the size of the F-35.

The PAK FA’s design may also allow placement of additional AESA
conformal arrays on the fighter’s surfaces that could provide radar
coverage of its starboard and port sides, allowing all-round radar
surveillance. Perhaps with this in mind
V. K. Naik, the Indian
Air Force Chief of Staff, said that the FGFA’s “highly advanced
avionics…[would be] giving 360-deg. situational awareness.”In addition,
the PAK FA’s AESA radar will have electronic countermeasures that can
jam enemy radar. The F-35 has a similar system.

Like the F-35’s radar, the PAK FA’s radar can use radio waves to burn
the electronic systems of enemy radar, the command-and-control computer
of a surface-to-air missile (SAM) battery, and perhaps even the flight
computer of an enemy fighter. The L-band AESA radars on the aircraft’s
wings could potentially track, locate, and jam the Joint Tactical
Information Distribution System (JTIDS), Multifunctional Information
Distribution System (MIDS), and Link-16 communications links and
emitters.

The PAK FA’s optoelectronic system may incorporate a LADAR (laser
radar) to identify targets, including other stealth fighters, by
providing an image of a contact in three dimensions. The PAK FA may
also incorporate a more advanced, fifth-generation version of the
infrared search and track/ laser rangefinder (IRST/LR) optoelectronic
system that was used in earlier Russian fighter aircraft. The T-50
prototype has already been fitted with a newer version. The system has
a sensor in the cockpit and uses infrared and television channels for
day and night operations; a laser rangefinder for accurate targeting;
and a “look down/shoot down” capability for detecting, tracking, and
engaging targets over land, sea, and air. The system can detect
approaching fighters at 40 kilometers (km) and departing enemy fighters
at 100 km.

According to some reports, a Russian-made IRST/ LR may have already
proven effective in downing U.S. stealth aircraft. Although the U.S.
Air Force officially determined that the F-117A stealth fighter downed
during the Kosovo crisis of 1999 was shot down by a Russian-made
surface-to-air missile launched by the Serbs, some military analysts
believe that it was shot down by a Russian-made MiG-29 operated by the
Yugoslav air force. According to that account, the Serbian MiG-29 fired
its infrared-guided missiles at the F-117A and destroyed it with the
first missile launched. Some accounts say that the Serb pilot used the
MiG-29’s IRST/LR system to stealthily detect, track, and engage the
F-117A, even though the U.S. plane was designed to mask its engines’
exhaust infrared signature. According to sources interviewed by Jane’s
Defense Weekly, the Serbs may have intercepted the F-117A using the
fighter’s mission flight plan, which was allegedly stolen by a spy
working for Russian military intelligence who had infiltrated NATO.

The F-22 does not have a built-in IRST/LR system, but such a system
could be added. The F-35’s electro-optical sensor system (EOSS), which
includes the optronic distributed aperture system (DAS) and the
electro-optical targeting system (EOTS), will give the fighter 360
degrees of infrared coverage for searching and tracking enemy surface
and air targets. Using DAS, the F-35 could fire a short-range
air-to-air missile at an enemy fighter in a lock-on mode and then
escape from the fight.[71] Ultimately, it is unclear exactly how the
PAK FA’s radar systems will compare in power and sensitivity with the
radar systems in the F-22 and the F-35.

Range.

The PAK FA’s combat range will be roughly equivalent to the
F-22’s range, but possibly greater than the ranges of some F-35
variants. According to Russian sources, the PAK FA will have a maximum
range of 5,500 km. Realistically, this is probably its maximum
range with at least one air refueling. Similarly, the Russian
fourth-generation Su-30MK multirole fighter reportedly has a top combat
range of 5,200 km with one in-flight refueling. With internal fuel
tanks, the PAK FA—like the Su-30M—will likely have a range of about
3,000 km. By comparison, the F-22 has a reported combat range of more
than 2,963 km with two external fuel tanks. According to Russian
sources, the PAK FA will be capable of repeated air refueling for
extended operations.

In contrast, the U.S. Air Force’s F-35A and the U.S. Navy’s
carrier-based F-35C will have a range of about 2,222 km with internal
fuel tanks, but the U.S. Marine Corps’s F-35B will have a range of
about 1,667 km.

Weapons.

With a maximum length of about 22 meters and a wingspan of 14.8 meters,
the PAK FA will be similar in size to the Russian Su-27 Flanker
fighter. Both aircraft are larger than the F-22, which has an overall
length of 18.9 meters and a wingspan of around 13.6 meters. Because of
its larger size, the PAK FA will be able to carry more fuel, more
missiles, and heavier bombs internally. It will also be able to carry
numerous kinds of weapons, enabling it to simultaneously attack
multiple surface and air targets in all weather conditions— hence, its
classification as a multirole fighter.

The PAK FA could carry a deadly mix of weapons. Russia’s Vympel State
Machine-Building Design Bureau is reportedly developing very long-range
beyond-visual-range (BVR) missiles and short-range air-to-air missiles
designed to fit inside the PAK FA’s weapon bays.[82] Development of the
new R-77M BVR missile is due to be completed in 2010. The PAK FA could
carry eight of these missiles in its two main weapon compartments. Like
the F-35, the PAK FA may also be able to carry an additional BVR
missile attached to the inner side of each weapon compartment door,
enabling it to carry four R-77M missiles while reserving internal space
for two bombs or two very long range air-to-air missiles. Another
weapon under development for the PAK FA is the ramjet-powered R-77M-PD,
which has a reported range of 160 km, twice that of the R-77M. The PAK
FA could carry four of them internally.

The original R-37 air-to-air missile (maximum range of 300 km) was
designed to shoot down valuable air targets, such as airborne warning
and control system (AWACS) aircraft, Joint Surveillance Target Attack
Radar System (J-STARS) aircraft, air tankers, reconnaissance planes,
electronic warfare aircraft, transport aircraft, Airborne Laser
aircraft, and bombers. Improved versions of the R-37 missile are under
development, including the R-37M very long-range air-to-air missile
(range of 300 km to 400 km) and the Izdelie 810 (range of 375 km to 450
km). They will also be able to engage targets at extremely high
altitudes. Both of these next-generation missiles will have active and
passive radar guidance systems designed to seek enemy radar and
electronic countermeasures emissions. In passive mode, an R-77M missile
could conceivably target an F-35 at up to 240 km if the F-35 is using
its AESA radar in a jamming operation.

In addition to the larger weapons compartments, the PAK FA has two
smaller compartments located in the rear, which could each carry one
short-range air-to-air missile.[88] This design feature was borrowed
from the F-22, which has two smaller side compartments, which could
each hold one AIM-9M or AIM-9X .

The PAK FA’s smaller compartments could accommodate several types of
short-range air-to-air missiles. One possibility is an improved Vympel
R-73M short-range air-to-air missile with a high off-boresight
capability, which enables it to turn 160 degrees to engage enemy
targets in the plane’s rear hemisphere using infrared guided-missile
technology. It could lock on before or after launch, and the rear AESA
radar could provide the necessary targeting information. This new
missile, the Izdelie 760 or R-74, may have a range of around 40 km. It
is due to enter production this year. Alternatively, the PAK FA could
carry the Vympel K-30, a new compact short-range air-to-air missile, or
the K-MD short-range air-to-air missile, a new weapon for close combat
and for shooting down enemy missiles, which could be developed by 2013.

In its larger weapon compartments, the PAK FA could accommodate two
precision-guided 1,500 kilogram (kg) bombs, such as the new KAB-1500LG
family of laser-guided bombs. The PAK FA could also carry two
satellite-guided KAB-500S-E bombs, which weigh 500 kg, or new versions
that could weigh 1,500 kg. These bombs are dubbed “Russia’s JDAM” after
the highly effective U.S. bomb guidance package.

The U.S. Phantom Ray unmanned combat air vehicle (UCAV), which has been
proposed as the basis for a future bomber, could carry two 1,000 kg
JDAM bombs, or a payload of up to 2,000 kg, on a long-range strike
mission of 3,704 km. The stealthy UCAV can also carry eight Small
Diameter Bombs and refuel in the air independently and repeatedly to
enable it to conduct global strike operations.[94] The PAK FA, by
contrast, could have an internal bomb payload exceeding 3,000 kg. In
addition, the PAK FA might be able to carry two subsonic Kh-35E
anti-ship missiles (range of 130 km) internally.[95] The PAK FA may
also be able to carry two Kh-35UE GLONASS satellite-guided missiles,
which can strike land targets at a range of 260 km.

The PAK FA may also have up to eight external hardpoints to which additional missiles and bombs could be mounted.

The
Indian FGFA and the PAK FA may be armed externally with “BrahMos
supersonic missiles,”[98] which were jointly developed by Russia and
India, or the 3M55 Oniks anti-ship missile, which has a maximum speed
of Mach 2.6 at altitude and a range of at least 300 km.

Speed.

The PAK FA and F-22 are expected to have roughly equivalent top speeds
and altitudes, but the F-35 is potentially less capable in both areas.
The F-22 has demonstrated supercruise speeds above Mach 1.5 and is
designed for sustained supersonic operation without using afterburners.
Reportedly, it has a maximum supercruise speed of Mach 1.82 at 30,000
feet (9,000 meters) altitude. Russian sources claim that the PAK FA is
slightly faster (Mach 1.83) at 30,000 feet.High supercruise speeds
enable these aircraft to control wide expanses of territory. The F-35
will not have supercruise capability.

Using afterburners, the F-22 has a maximum speed of about Mach 2.5,
likely faster than the PAK FA. Although the Russian air force initially
established the PAK FA’s maximum speed at Mach 2.5, it revised its
operational requirement downward to Mach 2 in December 2004.
Nevertheless, the PAK FA will probably be able to reach Mach 2.45 with
afterburners. The T-50 and F-22 will likely have the same service
ceiling of about 20,000 meters. By contrast, the F-35’s maximum speed
at altitude is about Mach 1.6 or more than Mach 1.8 with afterburners,
and its maximum altitude is estimated to be 15,000 meters.

Maneuverability.

The F-22’s engine nozzles have thrust vector control for superior
maneuverability, which can be essential in close air combat and for
successfully evading attacking missiles. The PAK FA will incorporate
the same capability. However, the F-35 is not planned to be fitted with
thrust vector control technology.

Both F-22 and F-35 fighters will likely have shorter takeoff distances
than the PAK FA. In air interception mode, the F-22 may be able to take
off from an airstrip of only 274 meters.[107] On land, the Marine Corps
vertical/short take-off and landing (V/STOL) F-35B is capable of taking
off in just 167 meters. By contrast, the PAK FA requires an airstrip of
300 meters to 400 meters.[109] The F-22 also has a slightly higher
maximum takeoff weight of 38 tons,compared to the PAK FA’s reported 37
tons.

Engine

The PAK FA will be fitted with a new “engine of the second stage,”
which is set to begin development in 2010 or 2011.The engines are being
developed by the United Engine Building Corporation in cooperation with
NPO Saturn and Salyut, Russia’s two largest producers of aircraft
engines. The engine in the T-50 prototype is the NPO Saturn 117M, an
improved, modernized version of the 117S engine in Russia’s Su-35
fourth-generation-plus aircraft, which already incorporates
fifth-generation technologies, including a full-authority digital
engine control system and three dimensional thrust vectoring control
nozzles. The first operational PAK FAs would use the 117M engines.
Later PAK FAs would use the new second-stage engine when it enters into
service.

According to Russian sources, the new PAK FA engine could provide
17,500 kg of thrust.[115] Realistically, the engine may only achieve a
lower thrust. It is still being developed, and Pogosyan stresses that
the engine will not be ready before 2015 and could take up to 12
additional years to develop fully.

Communications.

One feature of fifth-generation fighters is the ability to communicate
vast amounts of tactical information in real time within a formation of
fighters. The F-22 has an advanced communications, navigation, and
identification system called the TRW AN/ASQ-220. It has multifunction
antennas distributed in conformal arrays along the leading edges of the
wings and vertical control surfaces, which enable radar track warning,
missile launch detection, threat identification, and communication of
this information between aircraft.

It is unclear whether the PAK FA will have a comparable system, but it
will likely have communication equipment that allows real-time data
exchange within flight groups and with ground-based control
systems.[119] For example, the Indian FGFA will reportedly have a “very
high degree of network centricity” and “multi-spectral reconnaissance
and surveillance systems.” Like the F-22 and the F-35, the PAK FA and
the Indian FGFA will presumably have sensor data fusion, which will
organize the information into a unified tactical picture and feed it to
the pilot in easily usable form.

The PAK FA may possibly be one step ahead of the F-22 and F-35 in
computer processing functions. The PAK FA’s computer will not only
process data from various sensors and sources and provide it to the
pilot, but also function as a battle management system. Instead of the
system serving as the pilot’s pocket combat information center, it
could serve as a combat direction center by analyzing the information
and offering the pilot combat decisions from which to choose. The head
of Avionika, Russia’s leading avionics manufacturer, described the PAK
FA as having “advanced avionics that act as an electronic pilot.”
Avionika representatives claim that “[t]he fighter itself analyses the
situation and offers options to the pilot,” which “greatly reduces the
mental load on the pilot and allows him to focus on tactical tasks.”

Whereas the F-22’s sensor fusion technology is touted as allowing the
pilot to spend “less time monitoring basic systems and more time making
combat decisions,”[123] the PAK FA’s battle management system could
allow Russian pilots to spend less time making combat decisions if
these were already made by the fighter’s artificial intelligence. In
this case, the pilot would then simply choose the best tactical
decision offered by the plane’s “electronic pilot” and press a button,
which could give the pilot a decisive time advantage in combat. General
Nikolai Makarov, chief of the General Staff of the Russian Armed
Forces, describes the PAK FA’s computer system as so powerful that it
practically has “human intelligence.”

The PAK FA’s electronic pilot can also fly the plane autonomously
in many situations, in much the same way that a UCAV is controlled. In
other situations, the human pilot could use his discretion to fly the
fighter manually, particularly to perform evasive maneuvers.

The T-50’s instrument panel is dominated by two large color
multifunction displays, similar to the Su-35’s instrument panel. The
screen arrangement may have been influenced by the cockpit design of
the F-35 with two large multifunction displays integrated to form one
large display. It is widely thought to be a simpler, easier-to-read
arrangement than the four-multifunction-display design in the F-22
cockpit. The T-50’s displays are surrounded by control buttons, in
contrast to the F-35’s touch screen technology. Touch screen technology
may be incorporated into later versions of the PAK FA, depending on how
the systems perform in testing.

Like the F-22, the T-50 currently has a heads-up display (HUD), a
transparent display that presents data without requiring a pilot to
look away from the view through the windshield. In future versions of
the PAK FA, pilots may have helmet-mounted displays (HMD), like those
planned for the F-35 and upgraded F-22.[ HMDs are similar to HUDs, but
project the information onto the pilot’s visor, allowing the pilot to
obtain situational awareness and cue weapons systems based on the
direction the pilot’s head is facing.

Implications for U.S. Defense Policy and Force Structure

If the PAK FA proves to be as deadly as Russian officials claim, the
Pentagon will need to revise its assessment of U.S. air superiority
requirements. New requirements could expose larger fighter shortfalls
in the Air Force and Navy than are currently predicted—not just
numerically, but also in terms of vital air superiority capabilities.
If a new, comprehensive assessment leads the U.S. Air Force to revise
its fighter requirements upward in numbers and/or capabilities, the Air
Force, Department of Defense, and Congress should explore ways to
modernize and strengthen the U.S. tactical fighter force.

Specifically, Congress should:
Fund F-22 tooling to preserve future options. Given the uncertain
long-term threat environment and the possible proliferation of PAK FA
fighters to countries that are hostile to the U.S. and its allies,
purchasing additional F-22s may be in the national interest, both to
augment U.S. fighter forces and to enable loyal allies to defend
themselves against the PAK FA threat. The best way to preserve that
option would have been to sustain domestic production in the U.S.
Regrettably, with the F-22 production line shut down, resuming
production may prove prohibitively expensive. Nonetheless, to hedge
against this threat, the U.S. Air Force has decided to “retain tooling
for the F-22” so that it can repair and modernize existing F-22s and
possibly manufacture new Raptors in the future. Congress should fund
the maintenance of F-22 tooling for the next 10 years.

Allow Japan and Israel to acquire export variant F-22s. Another
helpful hedge against uncertainty would be for Congress to allow loyal
allies, such as Japan and Israel, to purchase an allied variant of the
F-22 from the U.S. This would preserve the U.S. capability to
procure additional F-22s and improve their capabilities if needed. In
June 2010, Boeing announced that it would share F-18 technologies with
Japan and allow Japan to develop a new derivative of the F/A-18 Super
Hornet itself. Similar arrangements should be made for the development
of F-22 technologies.

The U.S. could encourage Lockheed Martin and Boeing to allow Japan
and Israel access to some F-22 technologies so that they can develop
them further in pursuit of F-22 allied variants. Israel Aerospace
Industries is in negotiations to manufacture the wings for its future
F-35. If the PAK FA is exported to countries in the Middle East and
proves as effective as Russia and India have been claiming, the F-22
would be the best aircraft to guarantee the Israeli Air Force’s air
superiority in the region.

Invest in pilot training.
The short-sighted decision to cancel F-22 production has constrained
the U.S. ability to improve the technological and numerical advantages
of its fighters, but the U.S. military still maintains a significant
skills overmatch. America’s pilots are the best trained in the world.
Maintaining this advantage could prove decisive on the battlefield.
However, wartime demands and financial strains from current operations
in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere have undermined pilot training to
some degree. The range and intensity of training courses have suffered
as scarce resources have been diverted toward developing capabilities
for ongoing operations. Congress should renew its efforts to fully fund
aviation training to help to sustain American dominance of the skies.

Fully fund the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter and develop additional force
multipliers. Investing in additional force multipliers is another way
to maximize the impact of limited numbers of F-22s. Congress should
provide adequate funding and oversight to ensure that the F-35 program
succeeds. Congress should fully fund the President’s fiscal year 2011
budget request for 42 F-35s. Congress should then ask the Defense
Department to explore an additional cost-effective option to build
stealth unmanned combat aerial vehicles. These could operate from land
bases and aircraft carriers, conducting intelligence, reconnaissance,
and surveillance missions as well as strike operations with the F-35.
In a tactical scenario, F-22s and F-35s could engage enemy fighters in
air combat, while other formations of F-35s and UCAVs attack SAM and
radar sites, command and control centers, and air bases, overwhelming
the adversary’s defenses with sheer numbers.

Build an alternate engine for the Joint Strike Fighter. If
Congress fails to fund the alternate engine this year, even though the
program is more than 80 percent complete, the success of the F-35 will
depend on only one type of engine. In 2035, the F-35 will constitute 90
percent of all U.S. fighters. Thus, because the F-35 is a single-engine
plane, a problem with the engine could ground all F-35s until the
problem is identified and fixed, unless an alternative engine is
available. Such a scenario constitutes an unacceptably high risk.
Further, in 2009, Congress passed an acquisition reform law that
requires competition for all major subsystems, including fighter
engines. This engine program would also help to ensure that the U.S.
maintains engine competition for future fighter programs including
potential sixth-generation aircraft.

Strengthen economic and military-to-military cooperation with India.
India’s involvement in the PAK FA program could be potentially helpful.
A
large fighter fleet in the hands of the world’s largest democracy and a
key American partner could counterbalance China’s growing air power
capabilities and other powers in the region. Given the historical
rivalry between India and China, New Delhi will likely seek to convince
Moscow to restrict exports of advanced weapons technology, such as the
PAK FA fighter, to China. Indeed, India may make its participation in
the project contingent on such restrictions. India is increasingly
relying on U.S. weapons technology and equipment to fulfill its
military modernization requirements, while still maintaining a strong
defense relationship with Russia, its long-standing friend.

The U.S. should continue to strengthen economic and security
cooperation with India. The U.S. Air Force and Indian Air Force should
continue to conduct joint wargaming exercises, such as Red Flag in
2008. Just as Lockheed Martin reportedly offered the F-35C to the
Indian Navy to deploy on its future aircraft carriers, the
Administration should encourage the Indian Air Force to acquire the
Joint Strike Fighter, allowing it to operate alongside the FGFA.

Continue to modernize the U.S. Air Force. The Air Force and Congress
should adopt a longer view and begin to research and develop a
sixth-generation fighter. For the first time since the beginning of
military aviation, the U.S. military does not have a manned aircraft
program under development. Boeing has already revealed its design
concept for a sixth-generation fighter, featuring a stealth and
tailless aircraft with supercruise capability that would replace the
Navy’s F/A-18E/F in 2025 and the F-22 in 2027– 2028. As the U.S.
military margins of technological superiority decline across the board,
select competitors and potential future challengers are embarking on
their own military modernizations. Rather than cede ground, the U.S.
should begin developing new fighter aircraft and air defenses that are
so effective that they discourage rivals from developing or even
investing in stealth fighter aircraft. The greater the U.S. air power
advantage, the riskier and costlier other countries’ air power
investments will be.

Deploy networked anti-stealth surveillance against emerging stealthy
air threats. In cooperation with Israel, the U.S. should produce and
deploy a new generation of CAEW with “track before detect” technology
for both Air Force and Navy aviation to detect stealth aircraft and
low-observable flying craft. In addition, the U.S. should deploy
electronic intelligence (ELINT) aircraft with an airborne detection
system similar to the Czech Tamara, which can reportedly detect stealth
aircraft using the signals from its avionics. Surveillance satellites
equipped with radar may also be able to detect and track stealth
fighters because the upper surface of their stealth designs might not
be as stealthy against radar waves from space. ELINT satellites might
also detect the signals from the avionics of stealth fighters flying in
formation. Stealth fighters can also be detected with low-frequency
metric-band radars by using computers to identify low-observable
targets in a cluttered environment. Ladar (laser radar) in combination
with radar could help to detect, track, and identify air targets,
including stealth aircraft.

Conclusion

The decision by the Obama Administration and Congress to permanently
close the F-22 production line has exposed the U.S. and its allies to
increased security risks in the future. This was entirely predictable.
In a rapidly changing threat environment in which rising powers and
potential rivals are expanding their global presence, developing
advanced weapons systems, and becoming more assertive, the U.S. needs
to preserve a wide range of core defense capabilities to ensure that
the U.S. military will remain dominant and can hedge against all
possible contingencies. Instead, the U.S. has reduced its aerospace
manufacturing to one fifth-generation fighter production line, while
China and Russia are operating 12 fighter and bomber lines between them
today.

Although the F-22 cancellation decision took a valuable defense option
off the table, Congress can still salvage other possibilities for the
future. Congress and the Pentagon should focus on widening the U.S.
lead in the areas where the nation retains a competitive advantage,
such as piloting skills, research and development, and innovation.
Defense and military leaders should work with friends and allies to
reinforce collective defense and to ensure that the world’s
freedom-loving democracies maintain their ability to secure the skies.